Tillich's claim is not self-evident. For one thing, it is doubtfulthat ultimate concern is either a necessary or a sufficient conditionof a religious attitude. A late pagan's attitude towards his gods wasoften too casual to be described as ultimate in Tillich's sense andyet was surely religious. Moreover, Tillich himself believed that acommitment to one's nation or party could be ultimate in his sense(although he thought that if one's concern were to take this form, itwould be “idolatrous”). Whether the Nazi's attitudetowards his nation and party can be properly described as religious isdoubtful, however. Strictly speaking, then, Tillich's claim isprobably false. Nevertheless, ultimate concern does appear tobe a distinctive feature of the religious attitudes of devout membersof the major religious traditions.
As an encyclopedia exclusively devoted to all cultural and historical phases of Persia, Irānšahr is the first of its kind in the literary history of Persia. It is filled with essays, parts, sections, maps, tables, and illustrations that, especially concerning social and cultural questions, provide a variety of invaluable information, some of which is not easily accessible otherwise, for instance the law governing pious endowments (pp. 1273-76), the statistics concerning epidemics (pp. 1427-28) and the issuance of banknotes (p. 1978), the tables listing tribes in terms of affiliations and locations (pp. 116-66), the essay on folklore and popular traditions and beliefs, and the article on indigenous professions and trades.
2002) was an American political philosopher in the liberal tradition
A major impetus for Arabic science was the patronage of the Abbasidcaliphate (758–1258), centered in Baghdad. Early Abbasid rulers,such as Harun al-Rashid (ruled 786–809) and his successorAbū Jaʿfar Abdullāh al-Ma’mūn (ruled813–833), were significant patrons of Arabic science. The formerfounded the Bayt al-Hikma (House of Wisdom), whichcommissioned translations of major works by Aristotle, Galen, and manyPersian and Indian scholars into Arabic. It was cosmopolitan in itsoutlook, employing astronomers, mathematicians, and physicians fromabroad, including Indian mathematicians and Nestorian (Christian)astronomers. Throughout the Arabic world, public libraries attached tomosques provided access to a vast compendium of knowledge, whichspread Islam, Greek philosophy, and Arabic science. The use of acommon language (Arabic), as well as common religious and politicalinstitutions and flourishing trade relations encouraged the spread ofscientific ideas throughout the empire. Some of this transmission wasinformal, e.g., correspondence between like-minded people (see Dhanani2002), some formal, e.g., in hospitals where students learned aboutmedicine in a practical, master-apprentice setting, and inastronomical observatories and academies. The decline and fall of theAbbasid caliphate dealt a blow to Arabic science, but it remainsunclear why it ultimately stagnated, and why it did not experiencesomething analogous to the scientific revolution in WesternEurope.