Furthermore in the 19th century public parks were laid out in many towns. Before the industrial revolution parks were not necessary as towns were very small and anybody could easily walk out into the countryside. As towns and cities grew much larger they provided a very useful place for fresh air and exercise. Local councils also began to take responsibility for collecting refuse. Manchester council took that responsibility as early as 1845. Also in the 19th century hospitals were founded in towns and cities across Britain.
While there is some overlap (more so at the community level with the Health Department model), Public Health’s attempts to cross more prominently into Medical Care in this country since the early 20th century have been met with great opposition by medical professionals and their trade organizations, who did not want the government to reach further into the provision of health services in a way that might lead to a national healthcare program and thus make all practicing medical professionals government empl...
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Thus, the conflict over the meaning of the disease that characterized the early discussions of clergy and Reformers was largely over by 1866. Other kinds of political issues took center stage in this relatively prosperous period, such as the relation of Britain to its empire and foreign policy issues. But the connections between health and government highlighted by the original combination of the first epidemic with the first great Reform Bill of 1832 continued to resonate, as public health became and remained a major component of government responsibility. These concerns continued to shape discussions of the role of government and its relation to individual rights up to the present day.
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Whether Britain in the middle quarter of the nineteenth century epitomized a golden era of laissez faire, or whether the Benthamites precipitated a period of collectivism or individualism, both of these disputes pale in significance before an indisputable fact. The final two or three decades of the century, virtually all analysts agree, marked the arrival of the age of collectivism. By any yardstick, this was a triumphal period of legislative interventionism: compulsory state supported education was enacted by a series of acts in 1870, 1880, and 1891; the Public Health Act of 1875 provided for slum clearance; an all-encompassing factory act passed in 1878, extending the purview of earlier legislation; the Arbitration Acts (1867-1896) established government boards of inquiry to arbitrate labor disputes; and by the Employer's Liability Act (1880) and the Workmen's Compensation Act (1897) employers were compelled by law to insure workers against industrial accidents. In foreign affairs, too, the old liberal doctrine suffered an undignified demise, as new forces arose championing internationalism, militarism, imperialism, and even protectionism.
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Perhaps the most eloquent and persuasive explanation of Britain's slide into "rebarbarization," was propounded by a philosopher who mourned the death of the "Old Liberalism" more acutely than any of his contemporaries. Herbert Spencer (1820-1903), in a series of essays published as The Man Versus the State and written in the early 1880s, decried the path taken by liberalism. The new Liberals, Spencer charged, forgot the animating heart of their beliefs - that is, individual freedom as opposed to state coercion - and rather than seeking the popular good by indirect, market means, by relaxing restraints on individual enterprise, they began to search for easy fixes, for direct, governmental means to advance the social good. A curious phenomenon occurred, then; for precisely when social evils decreased, the denunciation of them increased. And the public began demanding the therapeutic intervention of the state. Each piece of meddlesome legislation served as precedent increasing the momentum for further regulation, and Spencer became increasingly pessimistic, convinced that Britain was ineluctably slipping into a new age of feudalistic militarism.